Interpretive Plan - Research Paper - Community and Family by Stephanie Grauman Wolf

STEPHANIE GRAUMAN WOLF

Senior FellowMcNeil Center for Early American Studies
University of Pennsylvania
July 2002

I. Introduction

The original mission statement for Stenton proposed "to preserve and maintain Stenton as an historic object lesson," and stressed the presentation of a "balanced and accessible picture of the domestic social and political life of one of Pennsylvania's most illustrious families over the period 1730-1830." This implies two possible approaches: developing an interpretation that uses Stenton and the Logans to teach about the history of America/Pennsylvania/ Philadelphia/ Quakers/ elites/etc. or adopting another point of view - i.e., using the history of these topics, especially their social history, to enlarge public knowledge and understanding of this remarkable house and its owners.

I would suggest (and I believe it is the thinking of the organization) the latter approach. What follows, therefore, is an attempt to locate Stenton within the social history of 1730 to 1830, both from a community point of view and from the standpoint of family life, at least among elite Quakers, during the same period. In this regard, I worry about comments of "authentic" and "the real thing" made by adult visitors leaving the site. This may be true of the house and of discrete material objects. It may even be true of many examples of usage – rugs on tables and beds but not on the floor - but it is certainly not true of the depiction of life in the house. Stenton is not a "this is the way it was" kind of place, largely because the authenticity of the objects so overpowers the authenticity of the overall picture that is presented. Yet the very concrete nature of the house seems to give it a permanent, unchanging quality. The rug example is a good one, in fact, since it is only true of the first and part of the second period, not of the entire time under consideration.

The main theme - From the standpoint of both social history and the mission of Stenton itself, is to tell the primary story through the many wonderful anecdotes available by focusing at every turn on change over time. Just as Stenton was not your typical 18th-century house, or even mansion, the Logans were not your typical family either individually or collectively. To put their singularity into perspective and balance it with the ways they were representative, is a major part of the process. To frame the interpretation in terms of the scope of changes that occur over 100 years, allows the personality of each of the principal players to emerge, along with the personality of the place itself.

A significant problem that can also be solved by using "change over time" as the central theme is that so few of the audience actually know about Logan and the importance of his place in the history of Pennsylvania. The very term "secretary" unless carefully explained makes him seem more like a member of the steno pool than a “secretary of state”--- arguably the most important man in the province. After he died in 1751, the family, while prominent in Quaker circles and certainly elite in terms of economic and social standing, was no longer as illustrious or important as “movers and shakers” as James Logan had been. By constant use of "compare and contrast" techniques with other members of the family and their special abilities, the sense of movement through time can be introduced, as well as a sense of why Stenton and the Logans are exciting and important to know about.

What follows below are descriptions of some of the ways that the sub themes of community and family can be developed to connect the interpretation of Stenton and the Logans through the main theme of “change through time” to social history of a more general scope.

II. Community

Social historians generally recognize that most human interaction takes place within two kinds of community - one involves neighborhood, a geographical concept. The other is the idea of networks, webs of shared interests and relationships. For the Logans at Stenton, over time, the two tended to overlap in more and more complex ways, as family members intermarried with other families who were not only part of their Quaker network but who also set up estates in the geographical area surrounding Stenton. Therefore, both kinds of community need to be borne in mind when developing context for interpretation

A. Stenton and the neighborhood (because of my own work on Germantown, what follows is far too detailed, but it may save research time in creating desired interpretations)

Although Stenton has always been known as part of Germantown, it is actually located just over the boundary in what were called "the Liberties." [i] Since this remained an undeveloped area for most of the period of interpretation, Stenton’s relationship to the Germantown proper was a strong one. The most highly urbanized part of Germantown throughout the period under discussion was that stretch of the Germantown Road nearest Stenton, known as Lower Germantown. The Friends’ Meeting House was there: craftsmen and shops provided daily goods, like victuals; and other local businesses offered consumer goods, like work shoes, pots and pans, and everyday hats. During the 1793 Yellow Fever epidemic, prestigious Philadelphia businesses opened seasonal branches along the Road, and by 1800 many of them operated year-round, making sophisticated urban goods easily available. [This timeline ties in with the change over time in the uses of Stenton, see II. A. 3 below]

1. Development of the town [the Stenton timeline and that of the town are approximately parallel]

a.1730 - Although most of the residents were German, there was great diversity within the town: the land around Market Square included inhabitants who were German, Dutch, Swedish, French, English, and black; their religious affiliations incompassed Dutch and German Reformed, Huguenots,and Lutherans, as well as Quakers and several other groups of sectarians and free thinkers. In fact, Germantown was probably one of the few places outside of the major northern cities where a group of Indians on their way to Stenton might not attract too much attention, since the population was already so mixed. While there were a few large rural properties left, either farmed or undeveloped, the open spaces were beginning to fill in with smaller lots, oriented toward the Road for the convenience of craftsmen.

b. 1750-1800 - A building and population boom took place around mid-century, spurred by the growth of manufacture which, while not industrial in the sense of power-driven machinery, did reflect an increasing development of larger shops employing methods of mass-production. The trend toward smaller lots continued, alongside the appearance of more gentleman’s estates, like Cliveden belonging to the Chews, and Mt. Airy, the home of William Allen. The gap between these people and the local gentry widened: by the end of the century, Cliveden was worth over twice as much as the estate of the wealthiest of the permanent Germantown residents. There were moments of high visibility – Germantown as a center of a crucial battle of the Revolutionary War, as the national capital during the Yellow Fever epidemics. Another huge boom during the national recovery of the 1790s, overwhelmed the German atmosphere of the place, and poised it for huge changes in the 19th century.

c. 1800-1850 - industry grew exponentially together with the town’s development as a bed-room community for Philadelphia. Ethnic and class diversity expanded considerably with the immigrants who came to work in the mills - more Germans, but also English, Irish, and later, Italians. The coming of the railroad stimulated suburbanization. [see II. A. 2. c, below for George Logan’s part in this] The nature of these changes inspired attempts by John Fanning Watson and his "patron" Deborah Norris Logan to capture "the old nature of Germantown." Yet they themselves were trapped in their own time, so that what they created was a kind of nostalgic myth - "fact" mixed with a large quantity of romantic imagination. Their judgments were of their time and social attitude: they decried the crudeness of 18th-century housing and praised its "improvement" by the addition of Federal period style in windows, doors, for example.

2. Stenton: the estate [ii]

The estate was, during the time-line being considered, always run as a farm: during the first period it was considered a "plantation," with many of the same implications as the word has in southern history; during the second, as a gentleman's farm; and during the third as the business and experimental endeavor of a suburban owner. Although there are some similarities between the serious farming of the first and third periods such as an interest in "scientific farming," slavery and a real desire for isolated self-sufficiency were no longer part of the post 1800 equation. The agricultural labor force – its ethnic composition, whether day-workers or tenant farmers and whether, if the latter, the families were employed about the place are all material for stories to be told [ii]

3. Germantown: popular elite neighborhood - the changing uses of Stenton across the three generations closely mirrored the development of country estates in the Philadelphia and Germantown areas generally.

a) 1700-50: During this period, country estates developed as "places to retire to." For many this meant leaving the cares of the city and business behind, indulging in the "pleasures of the rural life," and enjoying English-style social interaction. For James Logan, the location of Stenton was ideal because of its relative closeness to the center of things in Philadelphia. His retirement was partially a forced one from public office--- a combination of bad relations with the governor and a crippling accident that made physical activity painful and almost impossible. Logan, however, never retired from his personal businesses of wealth acquisition or from his life of the mind. This is where many of the James Logan stories lie: they also relate closely to the nature of political power even when out of office, which should have modern overtones.

b) 1750-1800: Germantown became a center for summer vacations: many of the major houses in the area were built, while many “summer people” rented rooms or houses in and around the town. William Logan joined the other “summer people,” continuing to live and work in Philadelphia, but moving his family to the country during the hot, unhealthy months. A look at his inventories of both the city house and Stenton gives a wonderful picture of the differences, and makes a great comparison to vacation houses of today. His vision of Germantown as a vacation spot and the family relation to the local community can be told in the story of how he joined with a group of other English and Quaker summer residents to block rerouting of what is now Wissahickon Avenue, an improvement being sought by local business men. Logan and the others prevailed on the Quarter Sessions Court to throw out the report of local, largely German road viewers in favor of a new set, all English and all Quaker.

c) 1800-1850: Germantown became more accessible to Philadelphia, first with the creation of the Turnpike at the beginning of the period, and then the opening of the railroad near the end. This made it possible to live on one's estate in Germantown and commute to the City on a daily basis. George Logan was active in both these endeavors, and took some heat from "romantic historianS" (like his wife) for spoiling the beauty of the place. Other stories about George could detail his involvement, not only with the Society to Promote Agriculture, but with "The Germantown Society for promoting Domestic Manufacture" of which he was president, adhering to the idea that he would be clothed "in the manufactures of his country, if not inconvenient to himself."

B. The Logans and networks [iii]

1. Business and commercial interests

Many of the James Logan stories would fit into this sub theme, especially Tolles' description of both the political and financial careers of Logan. Don't know much about William Logan in this regard (who were his merchant contacts?) George Logan and both societies of promotion: that of Agriculture, which linked him with a much wider world; and that of Manufactures, which appears to have involved local Germantown developments.

2. Elite Philadelphia - do not seem to have been heavily involved outside the Quaker connection.

3. The Quaker network: For most Quakers, being a member of the Religious Society of Friends trumped all other communities of interest. The elite to which wealthy Quakers belonged, the merchant groups through which they operated, their political relationships and virtually all of their social interactions were based primarily on membership in the Meeting. In a brief definition of the Society, Margaret Tinkcom wrote in Historic Germantown: "the Religious Society of Friends is a sect founded by George Fox in 17th-century England. Opposed to war and dogmatic secular authority, the early Quakers embraced a concept of spiritual internationalism which held all men to be brothers in the loving sight of God: as an ideology Quakerism held out hope for the oppressed everywhere.”

a. Logan family relationship to the Religious Society of Friends

1) In the first period, Germantown Meeting was made up heavily of Dutch and German inhabitants who had come to Pennsylvania following proselytizing by William Penn in the Rhine land, and who learned English and English ways from local members like the Logans and the Norrises for whom Germantown Meeting was the local house of worship.

2) As the second generation used Stenton only as a summer home, ties with the local Meeting were less important as William became involved with Philadelphia Monthly and Yearly Meetings. His wife, Hannah, was a famously pious woman, daughter of a woman minister of the Society.

3) Meeting orientation of Deborah and George. [iv]

b. Quakers, the Logans, and slavery - The Quakers were a contentious group with any number of splits and acrimonious discussions throughout the century. As a religious society whose cardinal principle was that its network remain safe from the interference of the outside world – marriage only within the society, business dealings to be handled by the Meeting rather than the court system, all political matters judged in the light of the peace testimony – there was plenty of room for a disparity of beliefs and styles. It is within this context that the family emphasis on comfort, style, and luxury should be seen. It also informs the fact that although the Germantown Meeting issued a protest against slavery as early as 1688, it was tabled by the Yearly Meeting until after 1750, and the Logans and others of their circle continued to keep slaves long after the Meeting began to insist on divestiture and even after the state of Pennsylvania mandated abolition. (Note: the use of the word "servant" is often a euphemism for slave, and the fact that one was paid a "wage" does not prove freedom, since slaves, especially favored ones, frequently received some financial compensation for their work--- often used to purchase a member of their family or themselves out of slavery)

III. Family

Perhaps no other area of social history, with the possible exception of the industrial Revolution, exhibits more change over time than the attitudes and practices of family life. Family was, for the Logans, perhaps the most important network of all (its far-flung connections and reconnections not unlike the Kennedy family of our era), and can present some of the best stories, the best chances to tie interpretation into the broader perspective of history. This sub theme should be integrated with the principal theme of change over time.

A. One way in which the Logans did not seem to follow the broader mold is that they continued to regard the extended family as being of equal importance to the nuclear one. 1730-1830 is a prime period for defining this change in American family structure, but elite Quakers (and perhaps Friends' in general) often continued the older patterns. It was in this way that the intricate marriage patterns, female social relationships, and male business connections continued strong among the Logans.

B. The family as household.

1. Children: Many social historians see the Quakers as "inventors" of the modern family, i.e. one in which relationships are equal and loving and where the rearing of children is a serious and important task to be done with love and tenderness rather than by harsh pragmatic methods. Quakers were distinguished from Puritan attitudes of formality and sternness on the one hand, and southern casual lack of concern on the other. Generally speaking, Quakers disliked having strangers – especially non-Quaker servants – in the house or around the children because they led to "carnal talk" instead of "honest conversation."

The Logans clearly did not follow this Quaker model in many respects and were a kind of amalgam of southern and Quaker patterns. The presence of servants and slaves who clearly took over major responsibility for the children, and the decision to send young boys to England emphasize the plantation nature of family life. On the other hand, the involvement of both parents in decisions about the children’s education, marriage plans, etc. is clearly part of the Quaker tradition, forerunner of 20th century practice. The use of guilt as a mechanism for controlling and training the young is also part of the modernization of the family with strong roots in Quaker life.

2. Women: the old fashioned nature of the Quaker definition of family embedded within the Meeting is balanced by the modern ideas of children, as mentioned above and also of women. The belief that the inner light relates to all humans regardless of race, age or gender from the inception of the sect, gave women a place denied them in most other European cultures. They had their own Meeting and their own responsibilities which were different from, but not subservient to, those of the male members of the Meeting. They served as ministers (see Hannah Logan's mother) and traveled long distances, often without their husbands, in this capacity. They were regarded as having mental abilities equal to men (although not often educated to that degree). Still, the Logan family stories can be used to see the working out of the larger changes on a practical level over the course of 100 years. Good stories abound: the methods wives (Sarah and Hannah are depicted, but the same is undoubtedly true of Deborah as well) manipulate situations to get the results they want, indicating the change from covert to overt power in the time-span between Sarah and Deborah.

3. Managing the house: changes in household technology and expectations of self-sufficiency versus domesticity form a whole special area of investigation. Certainly included under this rubric are the uses of house servants for status tasks like waiting on table, silver polishing, and the like, as well as for household production – spinning, sewing, weaving (problematic), food preservation, and other examples of Stenton as a plantation economy. Much of this topic will, undoubtedly be covered by the other consultants, but changes of this nature over time, both in general and on the Stenton scene, would be a particularly interesting and relevant part of any interpretation. The change from Sarah to George as the medical representative of the family is part of the masculinization of health care from the 18th into the 19th-century, as is the drop of the mortality rate of infants. Logan problems with health such as James Logan's hip and Sally's death in child bed (which, incidentally, was not as common an occurrence as usually thought) help tie the family to the way in which the rich had no particular advantage over the poor in relation to illness that was not caused by lack of food, heat or shelter.

C. Individuals

The stories of personality as they fit into the culture of the times are the real attention-grabbers. One can certainly describe the various women – Sarah, the obedient peacemaker, Hannah the devout, Deborah the matriarch and intellectual – in ways that show both how Quaker attitudes toward women were far in advance of their times and yet suited the changing nature of domesticity from 1730-1830. James Logan's attitude to Sally, his pride in her educational performance and sorrow at her loss, and his judgment of the rest of the family as lacking in intellectual ability (I love his plaintive wish that his son had inherited some of his brain-power genes along with his mother's character), relates well to the same sub theme. Descriptions of James Logan's irascible nature really makes him come alive, as does the way in which the family chose to cope with him, but I would like to see it balanced by more personality anecdotes of succeeding generations. Actually, if William Logan is the bland fellow he is made to seem in the material I was given, it is an interesting place to speculate on the problems of the sons of successful fathers.

Footnotes

It is because of this that Stenton does not appear on the tax lists for Germantown. Looking at the tax records from the Northern Liberties, local as well as the Federal Direct Tax for 1798, and at the census records from 1790 through 1830 century, might turn up a lot of information regarding the place and the people who lived there.
It is possible that the materials mentioned above might bring this material forth, as well as further perusal of the family papers, especially business records, but also letters and diaries.
Both of these topics are, more or less, outside my area of expertise in any but the most general terms. Many of the newer standard works, such as Thomas Doerflinger’s book on Philadelphia merchants, and many books and articles on the Philadelphia elite, as well as older works like Bridenbaugh's Rebels and Gentlemen (if used carefully) could provide both information and frameworks to be employed in further study of the primary family material.
This may be known at Stenton, although not to me. There must be any number of easy places, including Meeting Records where the information is available. Of particular interest, would be minutes of the Women's Meeting for Deborah Logan.

A Few Comments on Present Interpretations

I. Some thoughts regarding the first floor of the “sample tour” we received. These are impressionistic and sketchy

a) in the spirit of the time and of Quakers, should he be referred to as "James" or perhaps as "Mr. Logan" or "James Logan" in the Quaker way?

b) context ought to start right here: location and change through time. Stenton stood out as a kind of sore thumb on the landscape when it was built, even as it does today, although for entirely different reasons.

p. 2 - "this house interpr... " gives the names of three generations in quick order, where, perhaps, instead, there ought to be interesting stories of the principal characters

p. 3 HALL - "...three connections between the Norris and Logan families in the span of 100 years" The long recitation of genealogy might be cut in favor of a little bit on Quakers and their religious desire to marry within the Meeting and thus the constant intermarriage among Friends. Made even more likely in the face of making a socially as well as religiously more acceptable connection. After all, who else is there in the neighborhood?

p. 4-5 PARLOR - In addition to the dec arts info, there are the following points to consider: issues of privacy and social space suggested by the second door in the room: the use of cabinets for display as part of the devt of a consumer society: silver which might well have occupied these places is not only a status symbol because of the value of the metal itself but also (when true) because of the high-end workmanship it indicates and the amount of labor required to keep it in condition. Lack of curtains probably not Quaker plainness, but because of expense of textiles and quick deterioration at window.

p. 5 – JAMES LOGAN'S OFFICE - business conducted from Stenton; said he "retired" there but what he basically did was to leave public office (and that not entirely). Because of his importance, he continued to participate in public affairs, particularly where it involved native Americans. Use, or need for, office over the three generations - least when only a summer house.

p. 6-7 DINING ROOM this could be coordinated better to tell a story in addition to the dec arts info. Interpreting as to inventory makes it impossible to do much beyond the importance of individual pieces: it would be possible if info available to describe changes in styles of dining, foods, use of servants, etc through the 100 year period.

p. 8 FIRST FLOOR LODGING ROOM - development of elite concepts of comfort: unusual - closets are almost unknown in other houses, certainly in James Logan's time, but for most folks through rest of the period as well, "toilet chair" etc and devt of sanitation. The sense of time is lost, since it would have had little of this during the first period. Usage appears to be only speculation, along with the unknown reasons for doors, etc.

II. The Problem of Dinah

The research paper with which we were presented actually makes a good case for the problematic nature of the Dinah story, and seems out of sync with the author's own final conclusion that "all in all. . . Dinah's story and her heroism seem well founded." The very late date mention of her name, to say nothing of actual dialogue and narrative, puts her story squarely in the same category as the Betsy Ross story - part of the Colonial Revival which sought to honor ancestors or euphemize and romanticize situations of slavery and relations of servants and families within a late Victorian framework.

Mid to late 19th century historians who included women didn’t care much about the lack of factual proof. They were focused on what we might call "compensatory" history – searching through the old stuff looking for heroic (or, as they called them) “worthy women.” Betsy Ross fell into this category as did Mary Hayes, better known as "Molly Pitcher." These characters were more often than not mythological - the accuracy of their biographies less important than the fact they participated in great public events - did Betsy Ross actually sew the flag? Did Molly Pitcher exist at all? It didn't really seem to matter. In the realm of Quaker compensatory history, Jerry Frost has written several articles on the mythological nature of some of the William Penn stories--- most notably, the story of the wampum belt.

I am a little leery of poking too big a hole in the Dinah story since it has become such an integral part of Stenton's interpretation, and is seen as the way to interest the African-American schoolchildren who form such a large part of the audience. From the standpoint of social history, however, I think there is a much more fascinating story to be told about Quakers, slaves, and Dinah's family. This is a story with a masculine component, dealing with Dinah's sickly husband and his attempts to find someone to buy him so that he could stay near his family, and the grandson who was free while his mother and grandmother remained slaves. The fact that Dinah was trusted enough to be left in sole charge of such a valuable property needs no embellishment of a tricky exchange with British soldiers to give it far more interest to the AfAm kids who visit than the conventional "compensatory" history story of one more good slave helping out "ol' massa". The present story can still be presented as a wonderful myth handed down and enlarged over time, although it might be interesting for a more sophisticated audience to ponder why this story developed, particularly in the face of the unQuakerly attitude toward slavery it projects in many of its aspects.

A Brief Note on Research and Bibliography

From the standpoint of the social history, both in general and in relation to the Logans, it would appear that there is a great deal to be done if material presented in the tours and educational programs is to be relevant. A great deal has been accomplished in recent times in relation to the other specific themes, especially in the section labeled "Real House and Real Stuff," but in my own area, much of the material I was handed is long out-dated and reflects both inaccuracies and now-considered misinterpretations. Some secondary sources cited in these articles may be fine, only needing to be reread in the light of more recent historical theory. Often, however, they tell us more about their own time than they do about the period they describe. This would certainly refer to history books or articles written before the 1950s. One old work from the mid 1950s is still of great use: Simon, Tinkcom and Tinckom, Historic Germantown (Phila., APS, 1955) contains much information about rest of the community. A careful map - front and back inside covers - is of special use, since it dates buildings as settlement "s", colonial "col", or federal "fed".

Generally speaking, more recent issues of the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography and Pennsylvania History have many good articles, as does the Explorations in American Studies, a special set of imprints of Pennsylvania History put out by the McNeil Center for Early American Studies at the University of Pennsylvania. Although not a juried publication, The Germantown Crier has much useful material, if carefully evaluated. The footnotes of all of these will offer other good leads.

Worthy of special mention is Friends and Neighbors: Group Life in America's First Plural Society (Phila., Temple U. Press, 1982), edited by Mike Zuckerman: really relevant articles: Barry Levy on the birth of the modern family in Pa, comparing Quakers and Anglicans; Susan Forbes on Quaker tribalism; and Nancy Tomes on visiting patterns among Quaker women in Philadelphia.

Finally, it would be extremely valuable for someone to turn back to the family papers to look for information on topics once considered outside the scope of an interpretation of Stenton and the Logans. I suspect a great deal of material that might put Stenton in the forefront of historic house museums and modern interpretations.

Conclusion:

As I look back at the goal of the grant - "to identify the primary story (or stories) to convey to the public, as well as important stories and themes and how they will be communicated in various parts of the site," I realize I have gone far beyond the charge. However, since the social history in which any interpretation of Stenton and the Logans must be imbedded, seems to be most in need of boosting, I have offered a kind of scattershot collection of background and ways to attach it to the job at hand.

It is hard to know for which kind of experience (from general tour to school class visits), the reinterpretation is intended: I have suggested ways in which the information could be broadened or changed, but much of this depends on how much time there is with any particular audience. While I have considered a rather detailed collection of additions to part of the sample tour as an example, it is obvious that there is no time to incorporate the enrichment material for the general tour audience: it is more appropriate in teaching situations.

In the end, the appropriate interpretation for any audience is one that sets Stenton and the Logans firmly in their places, with primary emphasis on the change through time that occurred both around them and to them. This allows for a fresh and changing variety of stories that keeps people coming back and helps to bring Stenton alive once more, filling it with people and fulfilling the mission as set forth in the 1910 Ordinance of the City of Philadelphia appointing the Colonial Dames as overseers of the preservation and maintenance of Stenton.

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